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British Colonial rule ended in India in 1947 but the mindset of institutions has not changed. A recent judgement of Andhra Pradesh High Court has sparked fresh debate on the subject. Judiciary in India not only fascinates the British, they also emulate Colonial British Judiciary in their everyday conduct.
The recent Andhra Pradesh High Court ruling has reignited debates around labor dignity and administrative ethics. By legitimizing domestic duties assigned to court staff at judges’ residences, the judgment appears to resurrect a colonial legacy once thought buried. This post examines how such institutional practices mirror British-era servitude, where power masked itself as tradition. First of all, to provide Court staff at the residences of judges, at the cost of taxpayer, is itself questionable.
These systems blurred the lines between professional duty and personal service—a trend troublingly echoed in today’s judiciary.
Such reasoning not only normalizes servitude but institutionalizes it within the framework of judicial legitimacy.
Colonial Era | Judicial Present |
---|---|
Household labor embedded in governance | Domestic work embedded in judicial roles |
No formal boundaries between professional and personal labor | Job descriptions flexed to allow personal service |
Servants lacked agency and visibility | Subordinates’ grievances dismissed as administrative |
Imperial tradition justified domestic servitude | Judicial tradition legitimizes similar duties |
India’s philosophical heritage reveres dignity, unity, and self-awareness. Colonial way of though process must end. Judicial institutions must embody dharma—not merely legal interpretation, but ethical responsibility. Assigning domestic labor to court staff undermines these ideals and erodes trust in judicial transparency and it’s duty to spread egalitarianism in society.
This isn’t about housekeeping—it’s about hierarchy. If we’re serious about institutional reform, we must confront how post-colonial structures inherit colonial logic. Judicial introspection is long overdue on this aspect as well. Gandhi posed an example about 100 years back by cleaning his own toilet. The Honorable Judges can start by doing their household chores themselves.
Seventy-eight years after gaining independence, the Indian legal system, particularly its judiciary, continues to exhibit a fascinating, and at times perplexing, affinity for British legal traditions and cultural markers. From the ceremonial address of “My Lord” to sartorial choices that defy a tropical climate, these lingering influences raise pertinent questions about identity, decolonization, and the very essence of justice in modern India.
The anecdote of a former Chief Justice of a High Court donning a tailcoat – the epitome of British formal wear – for a social gathering, even if not for a formal oath ceremony, provides a vivid snapshot of this phenomenon. While an individual choice, it underscores a deeper, systemic fascination that merits closer scrutiny.
Perhaps the most visible and widely debated symbol of this colonial hangover is the address “My Lord” or “Your Lordship” for judges. A direct import from the British legal system, where judges were historically linked to the peerage, this honorific has persisted despite calls for its abolition. The Bar Council of India, the apex body of lawyers, even passed a resolution in 2006 urging the use of “Your Honour” or “Sir” as more appropriate and decolonized forms of address. Yet, in the higher echelons of the judiciary, “My Lord” largely endures, signaling a deep-seated reverence for inherited traditions. Change can not happen if the judges call each other as “My Lord“.
The mandatory black robes for judges and the black coats and bands for advocates further highlight this adherence. While proponents argue that this dress code lends solemnity and dignity to the courtroom, critics consistently point to the profound impracticality in India’s scorching climate. The layers of thick, dark fabric in a country where temperatures routinely soar above 40 degrees Celsius lead to discomfort, health risks, and questions about the common sense behind such adherence. The fact that the power to modify this dress code largely rests with the Bar Council of India and the High Courts themselves, rather than the government or legislature, underscores the judiciary’s internal autonomy and, perhaps, its inherent conservatism in these matters.
The roots of this fascination run deeper than mere symbols. For generations, studying law at prestigious British universities like Oxford and Cambridge was the ultimate aspiration for many ambitious Indian legal minds, including those who would ascend to the judiciary. Even today, despite the proliferation of excellent legal institutions within India, the allure of a foreign, often British, legal education remains strong for many elite families.
This exposure naturally cultivates a certain legal culture – an appreciation for common law principles, the weight of precedent, and the historical decorum of British courts. These influences shape judicial philosophy, interpretative approaches to law, and a preference for established procedures and aesthetics. This intellectual lineage can, at times, create a perceived disconnect with the grassroots realities and aspirations of a diverse, independent India.
The anecdote of Chief Justice of Chhattisgarh at the tea party hosted at the time of elevation of its Registrar as judge, choosing to wear a tailcoat with its distinctive shining lapels, is particularly revealing. While not part of the prescribed judicial uniform for court, its use at a social event following a judicial ceremony speaks volumes. It wasn’t a mandatory requirement, but a personal choice that likely stemmed from a desire to embody the highest echelons of formality and tradition, as understood through a British cultural lens. It points to a cultivated taste, a personal identification with a sartorial language that signifies prestige and heritage in a way that resonates with the British aristocracy and judiciary.
This instance, along with the broader persistence of “My Lord” and the impractical dress code, invites us to ponder:
The debate is not merely about robes and forms of address; it’s about the soul of India’s justice system. It’s about how an independent nation’s most vital institutions reflect its past, shape its present, and define its future. The continued embrace of these British cultural markers by a powerful and independent judiciary presents a compelling case study in the complex and enduring legacy of colonialism.
While the British left in 1947, one institution remained untouched in spirit, structure, and psychology: the judiciary. Not merely a pillar of democracy, but a vestigial crown—the last surviving outpost of empire.
India decolonized its Parliament. It could never decolonize its Courts i.e. its judicial system. This isn’t a poetic flourish. It is a structural truth, and now—an urgent crisis.
This is not a public institution. It is a self-governing aristocracy in black robes.
In March 2025, a fire at the Delhi residence of Justice Yashwant Varma led to a major judicial controversy when responders discovered heaps of half-burnt ₹500 notes in a storeroom under his control. Despite video evidence and multiple eyewitness accounts, no formal police complaint was filed. A Supreme Court-appointed panel investigated, calling 55 witnesses and eventually concluding that Varma and his family had covert access to the storeroom, suggesting serious misconduct.
The panel recommended impeachment proceedings, citing a lack of transparency and failure to report the incident. Justice Varma denied all allegations and claimed a conspiracy, but was nonetheless transferred to the Allahabad High Court, stripped of judicial responsibilities. The source of the cash remains unknown, leaving lingering questions about judicial accountability and the limits of institutional oversight.
India suffers not from the tyranny of precedent—but from its complete abandonment.
On social media people crying hoarse on different criterion being applied. Hashtag #Judiciary makes trend on social media but no change takes place to improve the situation or to make judicial decision consistant.
This is not jurisprudence. It is judicial adventurism. The robes may be black, but they carry the color of empire.
India’s judiciary is not comparable to that of Pakistan or Myanmar in outcome—they never had rule of law to begin with. But the structural resemblance is undeniable:
Just as the military is the self-appointing, untouchable force in Pakistan and Myanmar, the judiciary in India has become the military of the mind. I has ventured into all domains of executive governance, not even sparing the sports like cricket.
From currency-filled residences to deliberate falsehoods in affidavits, judges face no consequence. This is not justice. It is an imperial order in judicial disguise.
India ranks among the worst in the world in enforcing contracts. Thanks only to judiciary.
This isn’t just inefficiency. It’s the symptom of a judiciary that pursues prestige over service. And the economy pays for it. Public has to suffer in silence.
The real decay lies in the judiciary’s internal culture. It behaves less like a constitutional body, and more like a hereditary elite, convinced of its own superiority. The result of appointment through collegium system is that every judge is a close blood relative of another judge, present or retired.
The judiciary is no longer feared for its wisdom. It is resisted for its arrogance.
As Subhash Kak, a scientist by profession and settled in USA observes, the judiciary across many nations now acts as the guardian of the global status quo and judiciary of India is no different:
India is not isolated in this—only more opaque.
This is not a call to reform. This is a call to retire the institution as it currently exists.
What has outlived its dignity,
what defends only itself,
what holds no mirror to the people—
deserves a burial, not fire.
The Robed Raj must end.
Not with slogans. Not with rage. But with clarity, courage, and the creation of a new system grounded in:
Until then, India may vote freely, speak freely, even protest freely—
But it will not be ruled justly.
Not until the Robed Raj is named, challenged, and laid to rest.