Interview of Kaja Kallas Vice President of EU.
When media replaces ‘influence’ with ‘pressure’, it is trying to edit geopolitics. This is what The Hindu newspaper did yesterday. Its reporter Suhasini Haidar wrote this headline:
“At summit, EU asked India to put ‘pressure’ on Russia to end war, says Kaja Kallas“
The rest of media also picked up the same word “pressure” for its headlines and all the hell let lose over it. Kallas has a reputation to put her foot in mouth. Nobody bothered to watch the interview.
“Pressure” and “influence” are not interchangeable words. These are at opposite moral and diplomatic registers. Pressure implies coercion, leverage, threat, possibly sanctions or consequences. It frames India as a tool in a Western strategy and Russia as an object to be forced. Influence, on the other hand, implies persuasion, credibility, relationship, soft power. It acknowledges India’s autonomy and its unique channel to Moscow rather than demanding compliance.
If Kaja Kallas used “influence” and the Hindu paraphrased it as “pressure,” that is not a neutral choice of word. It subtly hardens the statement. It turns a request into an expectation, and an expectation into a demand. For a country like India, which is hypersensitive to being seen as anyone’s proxy, that shift matters enormously.
Did She Do It?
Fortunately for all concerned she did not. In geopolitics a single word can redraw intent. It can escalate situation without movement of single troop. It was work of the same media which will downplay “Terrorist” as “militant” or “gunman”, if attack happens in India. Fortunately in this era of extensive videography and technology here is her entire interview followed by its transcript generated with TwinMind AI.
Full Transcript of Interview:
This is the full transcript of the interview with Kaja Kallas, the EU’s High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, who spoke at the Ananta Centre in New Delhi on January 27, 2026 (yesterday), following the signing of the EU-India Free Trade Agreement.
12:37 (Sound of objects being moved/handled) (Sound of music playing softly) Context. Uh, where we
12:38 We have crossed, we suggest sort of crossed the finish line, and I think both sides need to be congratulated for something that I think Ms. von der Leyen called the mother of all deals, and we just hope to see it in practice before long. Today, we have with us Josep Borrell, the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy and the Vice President of the Union.
12:38 Vice President of the European Commission. Welcome to Ananta Center. This is uh one of our lovely buildings and we’re really happy that you could be here. Um just to tell everybody, this is also uh we’re treating this as a curtain raiser for uh the first India EU Forum that uh we’re organizing on the 5th and on the 6th and 7th of February. Um we know that you cannot be there, but we wish you could. And we’re hoping that the next one we’ll see you.
12:39 And we’re hoping that the next one will see you there. Um, but um, we just sort of like to uh get a sense from you uh about um, either the the relationship as you see it today, um, what were the conversations like, and I think everybody here would like to get a flavor of um, the conversations, how we look at building this relationship going forward, and uh, over to you. Yes. Thank you, and it’s really my honor to be here. So, uh,
12:39 It’s my honor to be here. So, um, thank you for for organizing this. Um, it is two big democracies, and I think we have to put this in the geopolitical context, whatever everybody sees in the news every day. I think when I go around the world, I see more and more countries want to build partnerships with Europe because we are predictable, which is nowadays becoming a value. Uh, when we, you know, take a long time to negotiate
12:40 take a long time to negotiate deals, but when we do, then we stick to them. We actually, you know, implement them. And that has become uh something that is a value for the companies. You know, if you have um uh constant threat of, you know, tariffs uh in the air, then you don’t really know what what you have the next day, what you can um uh really deal with. Now, uh when we get there finally, then uh then we uh really keep our promises and and keep our agreements.
12:40 and and keep our agreements. I think this is extremely important. Now, the geopolitical context is that um we see multilateralism under constant strain or under heavy fire. We might even see that it doesn’t exist anymore, so we need to build new partnerships with those countries that we share the same interests and and really to try to find the way. And and that is what the discussions has has been about.
12:41 has been about. Actually also building confidence in each other, listening to each other, because, you know, uh we can do a lot together on different fields, and we have mapped different fields when it comes to uh uh my competencies, security defense, foreign policy, then um, you know, um, maritime security, very concrete thing, um, where we have mutual interests, then cyber security, both uh we are encountering.
12:41 we are encountering the social sharing information. Um, um, we are entering into negotiations about that because, you know, to make decisions, you have to be aware of of the facts and and intelligence that is there. Um, you know, trade routes or or supply chain that function have both of our interests. Um, so, um, clean energy, connectivity, um, there’s a lot what we can do.
12:42 what what we can do, but but what we want this really to be is about, you know, practical things and practical steps. So we even talked with the ministers is like, you know, let’s start with very concrete implementation things, because what it does, it builds trust. So we start to trust each other, you know, because if you don’t know the other part, and then it’s like, can I how how is the work really playing out? But if
12:42 playing out. But if you already see the way the other party is working, then you can also know what to expect, and then it’s easier. So, so start with, you know, concrete deliverables and and there was a lot. So, I think uh the the feeling in the room is really genuine, uh genuine interest uh in trade relations, but also uh other uh issues when it comes to, you know, geopolitical uh uh
12:43 uh picture as well, because uh we see, you know, superpowers wanting to rewrite the the multilateral order where everything is divided. We have seen that in the history before, and I don’t think coming from a small country, I can honestly say this is not in small countries’ um and medium-sized countries’ interests. Of course, India is not a small country, that’s a care, but uh still, I think, you know,
12:43 that still, I think, you know, there’s room for cooperation for the Europe and European Union with India also regarding foreign policy. Right. Uh, we have uh sort of traveled quite a lot, quite a journey, and uh in a sense, uh the the current geopolitical, shall we say, fragmentation of the world uh has in some ways helped brought two powers together. We have uh you signed a security and defense partnership with
12:44 security and defense partnership agreement. And we have uh we’ve been talking very recently of security and defense agenda between Europe and India. The European security theater is slightly different from the Indian security theater. But so how do you see this partnership in uh security and defense playing out? Yes, um our regions are different, but uh we have some very common challenges as well. I mean, let’s start with American security.
12:44 very concrete, um, you know, weaponization of trade routes, uh, weaponization of supply chains that we see, and this is in our mutual interest that it doesn’t go that way. Um, so, so this is something we already have joint naval exercises. We can do more of them. But also, there is interest in cooperation between our defense industries or, uh, uh, our, um, EU member states and also, um, UK
12:45 It’s an also, um, Indian defense industry, because, uh, you can see that we have this existential threat coming from Russia at this, uh, at this time. We have our member states increasing their defense expenditure, and then it also comes down where you can buy capabilities and, and, uh, with whom you can cooperate. Yes, of course, in the first round, we also want to, uh, this, this money to go to the European industry. But if the European industry
12:45 But if the European industry is not able to deliver, then, you know, we can buy outside. And I think, you know, the competition that comes from also such a big country like India is, is also beneficial for our industries to to work then faster and to find find solutions. So, so this is something very concrete. Then cybersecurity. Uh, we have learned a lot being under
12:46 lots being under cyber attacks and and what we can do. And what I always say is that, uh, you know, it’s clear in the cyber space that, you know, the bad guys work together, so the good guys should as well, uh, share information and and address these issues because nowadays it’s not only an issue of, uh, of, you know, the the hardcore security, but it actually has an impact on the economy as well. If companies are cyber attacked, you know, they could
12:46 cyber attacked, you know, they could go out of uh uh, you know, business not providing, you know, essential services that uh uh that people need. So, there is definitely um uh room for uh cooperation. Hybrid threats are something that we are encountering now, but I think, you know, the the um uh actors who are, you know, using this are actually the same. So, uh when I look at the picture, the Indo-Pacific and Europe are security very much, see, trying to
12:47 is very much intertwined and interlinked. Uh, if you zoom out of of your region, you can see uh clear patterns that we both encounter. That’s true, and uh, you know, coming from Estonia, uh, you have actually experienced a cyber war imposed on you, which is a, which is unique. I don’t think any other country has had that kind of a war imposed on them. Um, but you spoke about the Indo-Pacific, and uh, uh, if we zoom back to this part of the world,
12:47 zoom back to this part of the world, and there is, there seems to be now a greater arena for a new India cooperation, particularly on the Indo-Pacific. We’ve seen a number of EU member states which have come up with the EU Indo-Pacific strategies, etc. What’s your sense? And I’m asking this not merely in the sense of the strategy, but also in the in the current context, where we no longer have
12:48 where we no longer trust people we trusted two days ago. So, um, so we, so how do you… Uh, yes, that’s that’s a good question. I I really have a feeling that our security um is really interlinked because I’m not only talking about the hard core security, which is like defense and and what you know what security is. I’m talking about economic security, for example.
12:48 economic security, for example. Um, we both face economic coercion practices, uh, coercive practices coming from China. And, uh, you know, to address this, uh, alone, we are both, uh, weak. But together, we are much stronger to stand up for this, because it’s also, uh, you know, our companies that are hit, and if our companies are hit, our people, uh, are hit because of, uh, the prosperity and jobs are not there, and, and this is not fair. So again, that’s why the free trade
12:49 And so again, that’s why the free trade agreement is important, but also uh to think about it further and and, you know, there are other aspects uh there. So, um, in, I know I was uh last June, I was in Singapore for the Shangri-La Dialogue, and there was um uh Secretary of of Defense Pete Heckseth had a speech, and he was saying basically that, you know, um uh you know
12:49 “You Europeans stay out of the Indo-Pacific, you know, you deal with Europe and we deal with Indo-Pacific. I actually, you know, coming from a small country, listening to that speech, I was like uncomfortable because it sounded very much so that, you know, we do here and we don’t really care um uh what what you think. I think that’s the difference um between uh, you know, us and and um and uh some other players is that…”
12:50 players is that um we really, you know, want to have this genuine cooperation. Um because we see, I mean, your region has worries, our region has worries. We don’t always see eye to eye to all the issues, but let’s work on those issues where we see eye to eye, in global challenges. I mean, countering uh uh, you know, uh terrorism, uh global terrorism, gangs, um countering um also the the what I said, the the
12:50 the, what I said, you know, maritime security issues, these are something that is in in both of our interests, and we can, you know, find those places where we we see a common approach. And then we can also, you know, invite other countries to come in. We had the Indo-Pacific Ministerial, um, a very good forum, actually. Really, you can see the genuine interest of European countries and Indo-Pacific countries. So,
12:51 country, so we had countries from, you know, Africa to to Asia there, very much expressing the same uh worries. So, I think, you know, if the big uh big players here agree, we can also, you know, bring on board uh countries that are concerned about the same issues. Because also, I come back to the economic security part. Um, no, the
12:51 The superpowers very often overestimate their own power and underestimate their need for anybody else. This is not—I mean, a mistake you’re never going to make when you come from a small country. You always know that you need others. You need to work with others. Now, uh I think there, uh again, you know, if you talk about the economic pressures, practices, all of us are worried about this. Dealing with this separately, um we…
12:52 Um, we we are not able, but together we are able. So those countries who still believe in free trade should also stick together. And and there is room for other issues to to, you know, develop further. That’s interesting that you say that because one of, uh, if you, uh, the India-Japan, which is another, uh, of India’s closest partners, uh, I think the the the big the big focus of the relationship right now.
12:52 The focus of the relationship right now is economic security and on resilient supply chains, which is something that we are all talking about. And I I’m going to open up to questions from the floor, but before we start there, I just wanted to say one just ask you on one area which is now something that we are thinking about which we weren’t thinking about recently, which is as factors of stability. We used to think of ourselves
12:53 ourselves, or rather, certain powers as factors of stability, and that is a way we built relationships with them. Um, when you look at the EU and India, and today, as in not in today’s context, and if you were to look at us as factors of stability in this, in a world that we are seeing breaking up or fragmenting in different ways, what would be your markers for
12:53 What would be your markers for areas of stability, and how would be the two these two powers in a world that is largely becoming multipolar? I mean, we are looking at a multipolar world as it is happening in real time. And so, how what would be your sense of what would be the factors of stability? [Music/Sound effect] Baba ji, can you deliver?
12:54 That is, that is a very good question. Um, I think, you know, you can be geopolitical power if you are either a strong military power or your strong economic power. The European Union is not a strong military power yet, but we are definitely a strong economic power, and that is our leverage as well. Now, coming to your question about
12:54 Now, coming to your question about factors of stability. Uh, you know, uh, because today we are in, also we we signed the free trade agreement. So, so this is really, I think, uh, uh, one of the factors of stability for our companies, actually. You know, whatever the agreement is, we need to know how this works, and we need to be firm that it’s not changed by executive order the next day. Because, you know, even
12:55 Because, you know, even even if you have, you know, whatever, you know, uh, ties or or things, we between yourselves, uh, in a dignified manner, listening to the other party and understanding what are their concerns. But then, you know, uh, I’m a lawyer by profession. I know that every agreement is a compromise. Uh, you always, you can’t, you know, uh, go into the, uh, you know, negotiations and say that, you know, we only have rights and the other side should only have obligations.
12:55 rights should only have obligations. This doesn’t just work. That’s not an agreement. So, if we have reached an agreement, it’s a compromise, then it means that we stick to it. Then also, you know, our economies, our investors, our companies can, you know, see, okay, this works, so it’s better to take that route, um, because, you know, that is stable. Even, you know, if we didn’t like the, uh, the some conditions for, you know, every sector.
12:56 for, you know, every sector, it’s different. But, uh, but, you know, it gives you stability. So, I think this is key in the world of, uh, you know, trade wars, I would say. Um, because there is a lot stemming from that. Um, if you have, uh, you know, economic prosperity, then you also have, you know, prosperity of the people. If you have prosperity of the people, then you have less dissatisfaction, and, uh, if it is so, then
12:56 If it is so, then, uh, you know, also less polarization, um, in the in the society. So, so that’s why I think the economic security at this moment is actually, uh, really key. Now, how do we deal with the, uh, real, you know, real security part? And that is much harder because like you said in your introduction, you don’t really know who are your partners that you can rely on. Now, I
12:57 lion. Now, I think, and that’s why we have also uh done this security and defense partnership with India, is that uh let’s not put all the eggs in the same basket. Uh and if we have, you know, a lot of these agreements, then, you know, we are not dependent on one factor, and that gives you stability, because, you know, nobody can also somehow, uh, you know, use this uh vulnerability.
12:57 vulnerability, because every dependence you have is also your vulnerability. And make sure you’re dependent on friends because the other side might hurt you. But in a world where you don’t know actually who are your friends, then let’s diversify the portfolios, whether it’s trade, whether it’s on security, whether it’s on other issues. So, let’s have more partnerships. If we we define it as strategic autonomy in in this part of the world.
12:58 in this part of the world. So, uh, so in a sense, this is these are all familiar words. I’m going to open up to questions and no media, no media questions. So. Hello, I’m [unintelligible] and I’m sure that you know what it means to need others. Uh, due in in in our case, it’s our geo-strategic position in the middle of the Mediterranean.
12:58 position in the middle of the Mediterranean can be affected a lot by IMEC. And my question to your good self is, now that we have the EU-India Free Trade Agreement signed, we were thinking that it may not happen, or that it may happen in like only God knows how many years. Now, there is the same thought about IMEC, but seeing the positive way that the EU-India FTA was signed, how do you think that this would affect
12:59 that this wood effect I make. Do you think that this would make kind of more of a possibility in the much, much nearer future? And this is interesting for us especially because I-Mac can affect. We are in the the roots of the Suez Canal. So, um, we’re really, really interested on to know about I-Mac. Thank you. Yes, thank you. We we had we have had those discussions as well. I mean, and one of the parts that we are now
12:59 One of the parts that we are now developing further is connectivity. Um, on different different fields, and I might is of course one of those that we can develop further. Now, I think, you know, again, you know, building on this what we already have, I think it also shows the connectivity or necessity for the connectivity. If we have, you know, more trade, then we also need to have the trade rules that are functioning better or functioning, or the diversity diversity of different rules.
13:00 different roots as well. So my estimate would be that it actually pushes this forward. Thank you, Madam. Are there any areas of convergence between India and the UN, India and the EU in resolving the Ukraine conflict? Thank you. Uh, I think
13:00 Uh, thank you. Um, I think the convergence is what we both believe is in peace, and uh, we don’t want this war to to uh, happen, and we want this war to end. I think nobody wants it more than the Ukrainians um, want this war to end. Now, what we had in our discussions with our Indian counterparts was also to uh, to really raise from their side with the Russians as well, um, that they would also want peace.
13:01 that they would also want peace. Because right now, Ukrainians have agreed to unconditional ceasefire already a year ago. From the Russian side, we only see, um, you know, plays, games, and and they are pretending to negotiate, but they are actually not negotiating. They are demanding their absolute maximum. They are also demanding the territories that they haven’t even conquered militarily in 11 years. And um,
13:01 And um this uh is is not something that you can uh, you know, build peace on. Um, in order to have peace, you only need, you know, you need at least two to want peace. You only need one to want war. And what we see currently, Russia bombing civilians, civilian infrastructure, in October the number was 93%. I think now it’s more. 93%
13:02 More, 93% of Russian targets during this war have been civilian targets: schools, hospitals, apartment buildings, energy infrastructure, to cause as much pain to people as possible. Under international humanitarian law, this is forbidden. You can’t target civilians. This is what they do, and this is what they have done while pretending to negotiate. They have increased their attacks. While they are doing this, and this is what I expect
13:02 Why they are doing this, and I was explaining this to our Indian colleagues as well. Why they are doing this is because they are not moving on the battlefield. Actually, they are losing uh really uh a lot of uh soldiers on the battlefield. So, it’s not moving anywhere, like they are not conquering territories there. What they want to do is to push Ukrainian people to surrender by causing as much pain. Here, it’s warm. There, it’s minus 20 degrees.
13:03 There, it’s minus 20 degrees. Imagine you don’t have electricity or energy in minus 20 degrees. Uh, it is unbearable. So, what we have asked our Indian colleagues is to raise this with the Russians, put the pressure on the Russians so that they would also want peace because this is not good for Europe, this war. This war is not good for, uh, you know, southern countries because of, you know, everything what is coming to…
13:03 coming to uh uh the trade with uh weed, to the the uh everything that is uh deriving from there. And I think this is the convergence where we have uh with what we have with Indians, we both want peace. Um uh and sustainable peace so that this war does not continue does not return. Even if you have, you know, peace agreement, but if it is not based on anything that can last, then
13:04 lost, uh then you will just have more wars and that is extremely uh bad. I think also deriving from this war is uh, you know, the overall security there. Um, it’s dangerous for for everybody. So we see this in the same way that this war has to stop, but uh for that we need to pressure the Russians. Uh, thank you. Ambassador, guys, you come on.
13:04 Good afternoon, your Excellency. Congratulations on the free trade agreement, the breakthrough. As one of those who was in Brussels at the time that we put the whole thing back on tracks and back on track and, you know, started giving it momentum, the only worry that I have now is that despite
13:05 is that despite um EU walking the talk and setting an example on renewable energy, uh the fact about uh the CBAM and the deforestation regulations, uh how will I hope that free trade agreement will um you know, take care of that part of it that could be like a non-tariff barrier. And uh how is EU which is itself um having a problem with energy now, energy is more expensive now because of the conflict?
13:05 Now, because of the conflict. So, is there something that you’d like to say about that, Excellency? Thank you. Thank you for your question. First, I want to say that, uh, you know, this is one of the things that in my job I have, you know, encountered, that I have the coordination of the commissioners that are dealing with foreign policy, you know, foreign partners in one way or the other. But actually, the implications for the foreign policy very often come from the internal
13:06 They very often come from the internal uh uh policies that we have um in in place. So, so really to to have this thinking amongst the commissioners that if we come up with any kind of uh legislation or proposal, let’s also do the analysis when it comes to our outside partners, what effect it has, because otherwise, we have to deal with this, um, you know, uh, afterwards, and and everywhere, uh, uh, I go, it’s always, you know, see them, it’s always
13:06 to the CBM, the deforestation, um, rules and and it’s it’s about that. So, uh, right now, I mean, of course, these have been postponed, but but the point is that we really need to take into account what kind of effect it has. At the same time, when I’m saying this, I’m also saying that, um, when we talk about global challenges, and especially when you go to Indo-Pacific or Latin America, they are extremely worried about, uh, you know,
13:07 read about uh uh the climate change. So, you know, for global challenges, we need to have also global answers. Now, uh uh that is of course difficult if the superpowers say say that we don’t really care. But the question for us is, should we then back away from these things that are a concern for everybody and say that, okay, after us, you know, it could be just whatever? And our approach has been different. No, we still deal with the
13:07 We still deal with those policies to make the world better and and more climate resilient. Now, is it easy in European Union? No, it is not. Again, because there is a superpower that is clearly saying that, you know, nothing of a sort exists, we shouldn’t deal with any of it. So we also have, you know, the far right parties that are saying that none of it. And and and then it is very hard to actually have the public consensus behind.
13:08 of the public consensus behind why we need to do this, because people don’t feel on their own like what they feel on their skin is that energy prices are going up. And and it is easy being, you know, mortals to say that, you know, what comes next after we are not here, I don’t really care. But I think the role of leadership is also to educate and and and that’s why we are still, um, you know, pushing forward this policy, although
13:08 forward this policies, although it is getting harder and harder, and we have to keep in mind also what I said about the economic security being the the factor for stability. So, having this balance is what we try to seek. It is difficult. Thank you. Um, yeah, you and India launched a trade technology council a number of years ago, and after that we didn’t hear very much about it.
13:09 I didn’t hear very much about it. So what exactly are we expecting to hear on the technology front between the two two groups? This is a very good question. Thank you for that, because we were just discussing with the ministers, um, and today that, you know, for the Trade and Technology Council, it needs to have more substance and needs to have, you know, real implementation and and real deliverables. It’s like, it’s not, you know,
13:09 Like, it’s not, you know, uh, meeting for meeting sake, but what are we actually do? And we agreed to to really map on our side, on their side, I mean, the real things that we could do together. And I I see really, uh, I mean, in terms of technology when it comes to digital sphere, when it comes to the artificial intelligence, um, uh, really to to uh, develop this uh, together forward, like how should we regulate?
13:10 forward, like how should the regulation look like? I mean, how, uh, how, uh, should we, uh, move, uh, with this to give our companies more possibilities to innovate and also more room on the, you know, international marketplace of, of digital, uh, uh, innovation and technological innovation, because it’s also, um, really, uh, competition. I think what is related to it, although it’s not
13:10 is related to it, although it’s not, you know, the real subject of it, or is also critical raw materials and the um, cooperation on, you know, secure supply chains. So, so, um, to answer your question directly is that, uh, you know, we agreed that we will really put substance and deliverables on it, and that’s why we do the thinking now, because before it, uh, it was the assessment that, uh, it didn’t have that much substance.
13:11 It didn’t have that much substance, really. Really, sure. Just an extension of what Pramit mentioned and what you also briefly spoke about. So, critical minerals supply chains itself, so where India is and where we want to be as a developed nation by 2047, a lot of the technologies that will determine how we produce electricity, but also AI and others, of course, we don’t manufacture those, and of course, they come a lot from China. Unfortunately,
13:11 a lot from China. Unfortunately, over the years, including Europe, we have also not built that capability for R&D, right? Technology, how do you develop some of these next generation technologies? What is the thinking, I would say, between collaboration, not just between industries, but many of the academic and research institutions between both the regions, I would say, in some way, because I think if we have to talk about frontier technologies, the academic institutions here, the CSIRs here, including with the institutions in Europe, need to collaborate very actively for
13:12 We need to collaborate very actively for an ex-generation technology for the machineries that will manufacture, which will also require active mobility of people between both the regions. So it’s one, but maybe we have to address through very important aspects that would eventually, of course, lead to both the regions achieving their own, I would say, in some way, economic independence, if I may say, at least for some of these states. So happy to hear your thoughts. Thank you. Thank you. Um, yes, we also discussed this that, um,
13:12 Discuss is that um we need to have more collaboration of researchers and scientists, um and universities for that matter. Again, you know, exchange information and to make both of us stronger. And there, people-to-people contacts are extremely important because again, you know, you start to trust the other side if you know them. If you have, you know, clear face to to it and and if you um know how how they operate, you take uh uh
13:13 take up, uh, you know, concrete projects, and and we really need to develop that further. But because again, you know, our worry has been, well, let let me put it this way, that for years the world was different. We were maybe naive in trusting and not really looking into, uh, the technological, uh, dependencies as well, because we didn’t feel that it’s a dependence. We didn’t know that everybody else is also buying from them, and that
13:13 testifying from them, and that means that, you know, in the end, you know, the other players go out of the market. And now we are in a situation where we have, you know, only one one supplier. I mean, if you take chemicals, over 50% of chemicals come from China. If you take, you know, the the electric batteries, over 90%, critical raw materials, over 90%. I mean, the the solar
13:14 solar panels. All this, if you take them or ships for that matter. So, so, if you take them all separately, then, um, I mean, we have clearly been behind because, you know, for one reason or the other. Now, I think we have moved to a completely new age, which means that, uh, like you said, uh, whom can you really trust? So, it’s like probably like the other way around, like, uh, like
13:14 around, like, uh, uh, let’s again, you know, diversify. Let’s find ways where we can cooperate to address our dependency on a third, uh, third player. Um, so, uh, I think this is our mutual interest, not only on the, on the, um, you know, the regulatory side, but actually from the companies, the researchers, and universities side. So, so really, I think there’s a lot room for cooperation.
13:15 room for cooperation. Thank you. Thank you very much. But, you know, before we let you go, can you give us for all of us a sense of the conversations that you had today? What stood out for you? What was interesting? And just a, you know, since you were there and we were not? Uh, well, first of all, uh, like I said, the atmosphere was really good. So, so that is, I think, really good.
13:15 a really good starting point. Um, today, of course, it’s sort of, you know, the not the end, but one of the milestones, so it’s more festive and and maybe the discussions are not that uh that open, but um, but still, I mean, uh the few days ago when we had the discussion also on foreign policy and different things that are going around in the world, really listening carefully.
13:16 Really listening carefully for in these perspectives, trying to understand also where India is coming from, um, and and listening, um, whereas hoping that also India, uh, Indian side is listening to our worries and where we are coming from. So, I I would say the atmosphere was really good. There was a lot of, you know, positive energy really going into concrete, whether it’s, you know, about the technology council, like what is the concrete things that we can do?
13:16 the concrete things that we can do, um whether it’s about uh also uh, you know, the big geopolitical picture, what is happening in the world where we can also cooperate, or whether it’s about uh, you know, trade or research. So, so I saw a lot of uh really positive energy like, okay, now, okay, we have the papers, but now let’s make it in practice so that uh we will have uh more also economic cooperation, more right now.
13:17 more. Right now, as we speak, um Prime Minister Modi and President von der Leyen are having the business forum. And and there was also, you know, let’s have the business forum the next time the EU summit is in India. So, so really, so that also the people-to-people contacts are between the companies so that the investments actually start moving as well. So, so I would say very, very practical, uh, you know, hands-on, let’s say
13:17 Hands on, let’s do it approach. Well, thank you very much, and uh, uh, if that’s all the questions, thank you so much for your time. Thank you for taking such a nice, long answer, which we appreciate.
References:
- The Hindu: https://www.thehindu.com/news/international/at-summit-eu-asked-india-to-put-pressure-on-russia-to-end-war-says-kaja-kallas/article70556950.ece
- Hindustan Times article reporting that the EU said it asked India to “put pressure” on Russia to end the Ukraine war:
https://www.hindustantimes.com/india-news/eu-says-asked-india-to-put-pressure-on-russia-to-end-ukraine-war-after-mother-of-all-deals-mea-replies-101769524617871.html - Moneycontrol version of the same reporting, with quotes attributed to Kaja Kallas:
https://www.moneycontrol.com/world/eu-s-kallas-says-india-was-asked-to-put-pressure-on-russia-to-end-ukraine-war-not-even-good-for-article-13793207.html - NDTV Profit also carries similar reporting on the EU request to India to put pressure on Russia:
https://www.ndtvprofit.com/business/eus-top-diplomat-asks-india-to-push-russia-for-peace-in-ukraine-10894826